Drama, Deceit, and Duterte: Betrayals in Spotlight

Sara Duterte began her political career in 2007 as the vice mayor of Davao City, serving alongside her father, then-Mayor Rodrigo Duterte. After her term, she succeeded her father’s post from 2010 to 2013. Following her initial term as the city's chief executive, Duterte briefly shifted to private legal practice before resuming her role as mayor from 2016 to 2022. Her political career advanced nationally in the 2022 elections where she ran and won as the 15th Vice President of the Philippines. Concurrently, she served as Secretary of the Department of Education (DepEd), where she launched the MATATAG agenda. This initiative aimed to revise the basic education curriculum by streamlining its content, expediting the delivery of facilities and services, prioritizing student well-being, and providing better support for teachers. However, in 2024, Duterte resigned from her positions at DepEd and as vice chair of the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC). 

THE RED FLAGS

Last 2 December 2024, Sara Duterte faced a 50-page impeachment complaint filed by sectoral groups, including Magdalo, Mamamayang Liberal, Tindig Pilipinas, civil society leaders, families of drug war victims, and others. The complaint, endorsed by Akbayan Partylist Representative Perci Cendaña, cited allegations of extrajudicial killings, betrayal of public trust, issuing death threats, and other high crimes. The controversial misuse of 612.5 million pesos confidential funds creates an analogy to the past lovers we abhor for betrayal, even using a non-existent person named “Mary Grace Piattos” to cover up the lies concealed in the acknowledgement papers named after her, together with a certain Kokoy Villamin who used different signatures, strengthening the allegations that these are fabricated documents. The misallocation of public funds echoes the emotional abandonment we detest in relationships, where the supposed attention and care are diverted elsewhere, leaving the primary commitment neglected. Furthermore, in a time when transparency is seen as a minimum expectation, Duterte’s refusal to disclose how the funds for the OVP and DepEd were used feels like the emotional stonewalling we often encounter from unresponsive partners. Her alleged obstruction of investigations mirrors this dynamic, where explanations are withheld, leaving the public frustrated and powerless. It’s a breach of trust on being deceived by someone we once held in high regard—a painful reminder of what it means to expect accountability and be met with silence.

A few days later, in an act more deserving of the label “unity”, another impeachment case was filed by 75 signatories from various progressive groups, including former lawmakers, lawyers, mass organization leaders, labor leaders, student activists, as well as some professors and religious leaders. Spearheaded by Bagong Alyansang Makabayan, the case cites the one ground that summarizes Duterte’s entire list of antics—betrayal of public trust, for the reasons “gross abuse of discretionary powers over P612.5 million in supposed confidential funds,” “gross disregard of transparency and accountability, making a mockery of the audit process,” and “dereliction of official duty, with her willful refusal to recognize congressional oversight during budget deliberations and its authority to conduct inquiries in aid of legislation.” It was endorsed by the House of Representatives’ Makabayan bloc—Kabataan Partylist Representative Raoul Manuel, Gabriela Partylist Representative Arlene Brosas, and Alliance of Concerned Teachers Partylist Representative France Castro. 

          The third and most recent impeachment case against the VP, as of this writing, is  a 70-page complaint detailing allegations of willful breach of the Constitution, betrayal of public trust, acts of plunder and misappropriation, bribery, graft, and corruption—much similar to the previous cases. This complaint was endorsed on 19 December 2024 by Camarines Sur Third District Representative Gabriel Bordado Jr. and AAMBIS-Owa party-list Representative Lex Colada. With three impeachment cases now filed against Duterte, a Social Weather Stations (SWS) survey conducted between 12 to 18 of December reveals a clear public sentiment for accountability: 41 percent of Filipinos are in favor of removing Duterte from office, whereas 35 percent oppose such a move, and 19 percent remain undecided on the issue. 

UNI-THREE

Countless words have become so overused to the point of near-meaninglessness. While “sorry” might sound familiar to those in an already-crumbling romantic relationship, “unity” feels especially the same to millions of Filipinos under an also-crumbling President-Vice President relationship. Both situations are not that different either. Marcos Jr.’s hellbent attempts at protecting Duterte from impeachment cases eerily mirror a stubborn partner trying its best to fix the relationship even with clear signs of erosion of respect. The only difference is that the boyfriend is not compromising a country with more than a hundred million citizens. 

In a show of numbers, Iglesia ni Cristo (INC) organized a “National Peace Rally” in multiple venues across the Philippines attended by 1.8 million of its members last January 13, 2025. Although the sect claims that the said rally was not of a “political” nature, over 12 politicians running for the 2025 elections attended the main event at the Quirino Grandstand. “[W]e unite our call to those in governmental position [sic] that may they not allow for such to happen in our country,” Brother Rommel Topacio, INC's minister for evangelism, said in a speech. On an ironic note, INC spokesperson Brother Edwil Zabala also said “true peace can only be achieved if the law will be respected and implemented,” supporting Marcos Jr.’s call against the impeachment cases against Duterte. 

The 1987 Constitution, the highest law of the Philippines, provides “betrayal of public trust” and “graft and corruption” as impeachable offenses for the Vice President in Section 2 of Article XI, titled “Accountability of Public Officers.” Furthermore, Section 1 states that “Public office is a public trust. Public officers must, at all times, be accountable to the people.” The fact that three separate groups have found Duterte culpable of said grounds makes the filing of impeachment cases as, in actuality, an implementation of the law, rendering Zabala's statement contradictory. 

Even before the first impeachment case was filed, Marcos Jr. has expressed his disapproval, saying in an interview last November 29, 2024 that “[Impeaching the Vice President] is not important. This does not make any difference to even one single Filipino life. So, why waste time on this?” He remarked that filing an impeachment case will only “tie down” the House and the Senate for nothing, calling it a “storm in a teacup.”

DEMOCRACY AT RISK

Although three complaints have been submitted against Duterte, the impeachment process has not officially begun in a technical sense. 

According to a ruling by the Supreme Court, an impeachment proceeding is considered initiated once the complaint is referred to the justice committee. In Duterte’s situation, the complaints have not yet reached Speaker Martin Romualdez, as they are still with House Secretary General Reginald Velasco. The House Secretary needs to refer them to Romualdez before any further action can be taken. Once an impeachment complaint is filed, it must be endorsed by a House lawmaker for deliberation by the lower chamber. The Constitution requires at least a one-third vote of all House members for the impeachment trial to proceed in the Senate.

 Moreover, the House is set to take a break on 7 February due to the campaign period and will only reconvene for about six session days in June. If the House does decide to impeach Duterte, the Senate will have limited time to conduct a trial. Given these prolonged referrals of the petition to the Speaker and time constraints, there’s a real risk that Duterte’s impeachment complaints, in case referred to the justice committee, could falter, forcing people to wait another year before they can attempt to impeach her again. 

The ongoing impeachment saga is not merely a political spectacle; it is a critical juncture that challenges the very foundation of democracy in the country. It unveils broader political and legal implications, serving as a crucial litmus test for the integrity of the people and institutions involved. This also stirs a complex mix of emotions with the public, who are left to grapple with their trust in leadership. Just as relationships can crumble to betrayal or deceit, the unfolding political drama challenges public’s faith in their leaders, where they must see the better opportunity to question whether those in power truly embody the values of transparency and accountability. The way this case is being addressed will greatly impact how Filipinos perceive democracy and the leaders we choose. This is not the right time for people to become martyrs, like we do in love, and subject ourselves to become fanatics. There’s much need in being critical in acting on this conflict and avoiding actions that will lead to lasting scars. 

This moment serves as a necessary break-up between Filipinos and the leader they no longer deserve. Just as a break-up letter lays bare the grievances and betrayals that led to a relationship’s demise, the allegations against Duterte expose a profound breach of trust between her and the people. It is important to understand that we shouldn’t aspire to love someone like Sara, nor should adopt her characteristics when we find ourselves in love. To love like her is to risk emotional neglect and betrayal, where self-interest takes precedence over genuine connection. Instead, we ought to find someone who bears trust and transparency.  As the 2025 midterm elections approach, this reckoning offers Filipinos a chance to choose leaders, ensuring that the next relationship with governance is grounded in mutual respect and integrity. | via Anyanna Mariae M. Sabio and Karl Benedict D. Perez